Wari

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The Txapakura PeoplesLocation and Populationfrom First Contacts to &#39Pacification&#39The Local Groups and SubgroupsWarfareFunerary CannibalismCosmologyHealth Diet and EconomyNote on The SourcesThe Wari’ comprise one of the few remaining peoples of the Txapakura linguistic family as most of those speaking languages belonging to this family had already become extinct by the start of the 20th century Today only four Txapakura groups exist the Wari’ the Torá the Moré or Itenes – who live on the left bank of the Guaporé river a little above its confluence with the Mamoré in Bolivia – and finally the OroWin The latter were encountered in 1963 in the region formed by the headwaters of the Pacaas Novos river and were almost exterminated in two attacks made by Whites No more than a dozen adults and a few children survive now living in the village at the São Luis Indigenous Post (IP) on the upper Pacaas Novos A few people calling themselves Cujubim also exist scattered between Sagarana village the Sotério IP and the town of GuajaráMirim they only speak a few words of their language but enough for us to know that it belongs to the same family The reports available Towards the end of the 19th century the Wari’ occupied the following region in the southwest of Amazonia the basin of the Lage river an affluent of the right bank of the Mamoré the basins of the Ouro Preto river the Gruta and Santo André creeks and the Negro river (all affluents of the lower and middle courses of the right bank of the Pacaas Novos river) as well as the Ribeirão and Formoso rivers Around this period part of the population migrated to the Dois Irmãos and Novo rivers affluents of the left bank of the Pacaas Novos Following land invasion by rubber tappers during the first decades of the 20th century the Wari’ relocated to the headwaters of rivers areas which were more difficult to access until the moment when they were ‘pacified’ by missionaries and agents from the SPI (“Serviço de Proteção ao Índio” Indian Protection Service the governmental agency preceding Funai) this took place between the end of the 1950s and the start of the 1960s Reduced by epid The Wari’ were mentioned for the first time by Colonel Ricardo France in 1798 located on the shores of the Pacaas Novos river However they remained in isolation until the start of the 20th century possibly because they lived in areas that were difficult to reach or attracting little economic interest All this changed with the discovery of the process for vulcanizing rubber in the middle of the 19th century this provoked a massive rush in search of the raw material in the forests The Madeira river was chosen as a main access route Construction of the MadeiraMamoré railway was started with the aim of linking the locality of Santo Antônio on the Madeira river to GuajaráMirim from where the extracted latex would be transported to Manaus 1919 saw the first documented clash between the Wari’ and railway workers who abducted numerous Indians and took them to be displayed in the town In 1912 – the very same year the railway was inaugurated – there was an abrupt drop in the in The Wari’ have no name that refers to the group as a whole – that is no name for the social unit usually referred to as ‘a tribe’ or in more modern fashion as ‘an ethnic group’ The word wari’ designates the pronoun for the first person plural inclusive ‘we’ which also means ‘human being’ people’ This is the form by which they are known regionally and how they prefer to be called by Whites The widest ethnic unit defined by them corresponds to what we refer to here as a subgroup There is no generic name for subgroup only for ‘a person from another subgroup’ tatirim which we translate as ‘stranger’ Each subgroup has a name Today these comprise the OroNao OroEo OroAt OroMon OroWaram and OroWaramXijein (oro is a collectivizing particle that can be translated as ‘people’ or ‘group’) Some individuals identify themselves with two other subgroups that no longer exist the OroJowin and the OroKaoOroWaji Each subgroup was linked until the moment of ‘pacification’ – and in Enemies are thought to be Wari’ who spatially distanced themselves and with whom exchange was interrupted The Wari’ equate enemies with animal prey In the past when the Wari’ practiced warfare enemies were killed with arrows and whenever possible parts of them were taken to the villages of the killers (all those who had taken part in the expedition) to be eaten by the women and by those who had remained at home On returning the killers entered a period of seclusion remaining for most of the time in their hammocks in the men’s house and avoiding excessive movements and especially injuries so as to keep the dead enemy’s blood within their bodies This blood – associated with the unfermented chicha which made up practically the men’s only alimentary intake – fattened the killers making them strong and virile Sexual activity was also prohibited during this period it would lead to the loss of the enemy’s blood as it turned into semen which would then fatten their wives and l The Wari’ not only ate the enemies they killed – they also ate their own dead The rite began with the onset of serious illness when consanguine kin and affines wept for the dying person This was followed by a funeral song in which everyone referred to the dying or dead person by consanguine terms and recollected events they had experienced together during the person’s lifetime After death the weeping became more intense Close kin – called ‘true kin’ – were at this point differentiated from ‘distant kin’ a category which particularly included those effectively related by marriage The former organized the funeral while the latter executed it Preparation of the corpse had to await the arrival of close kin who lived in other villages and who had received news of the death by means of these same affines During this two or three day period the corpse would start to rot this was the state in which it was cut up and barbecued by the affines When the meat was ready close kin s The dynamic structuring Wari’ social relations – the contrast between the enmity related to killing and devouring and the sociability related to food exchanges marriages and mutual cooperation – is extended to the relationships with other beings Many animal species as well as a few plants and certain natural phenomena are considered human as they possess spirit Most of the mythology rituals and curative procedures involve the idea that as these beings are human the Wari’ can communicate with them and treat them just as they treat other kinds of people Ancestral and animal spirits are the most important categories of spirit for the Wari’ Although they recognize the existence of other types of beings endowed with spirit – such as plants thunder and mythic personae – ideas about their humanity tend to be vague in contrast to the imagery relating to ancestors and animal spirits The spirits of the dead reside in a parallel society formed by villages situated under the waters The most common health problems are malaria (which sometimes reaches epidemic levels) respiratory infections parasitic infections diarrhea and gastrointestinal illnesses Tuberculosis – including resistant forms – has also been a recurrent problem Health conditions have varied radically over the years depending on the level of medical assistance especially in the villages Currently each post settlement has a small pharmacy where primary medical assistance is provided under the supervision of an auxiliary nurse employed by the government agency Young Wari’ have recently started to receive training as healthcare assistants a model already in operation for some time in the Sagarana village They then work in their own settlements alongside the auxiliary nurses or even alone when the latter are absent Functionaries from Funai’s Indian House in GuajaráMirim provide more specialized diagnoses and treatments and coordinate vaccination programs as well as the work of a group The first anthropological studies were undertaken by two ethnographers who lived with the Wari’ at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s Alan Mason studied the Pitop community (today Tanajura) and his doctoral thesis focuses on OroNao social organization and kinship Bernard Von Graeve’s doctoral thesis concentrates on the history of contact between the Wari’ and national society with a special emphasis on the history and organization of the Sagarana community administrated by the Catholic Church This thesis provided the basis for his book The Pacaa Nova In 1986 Denise Maldi Meireles completed her master’s dissertation in social anthropology at the University of Brasília based on interviews conducted in various Wari’ communities (‘Os PakaasNovos’) It deals with topics such as social organization personhood mythology and cannibalism In 1989 she published a historical study of the occupation of the Guaporé river region Guardiães da Fronteira Beth Conklin un.

Wari culture Wikipedia

English words for wari include apparently as it seems seem apparent opinion sound and rather Find more Filipino words at wordhippocom!.

Wari Civilization World History Encyclopedia

The Wari&#39 were interested in the missionaries because of their generosity and their capability to cure disease The missionaries challenged Wari&#39 beliefs by proposing new perspectives The Wari&#39 originally believed that all Wari&#39 were brothers and that enemies were the same as animals.

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HuariPikillactaWari ArtThe Wari LegacyThe capital at Huari (25 km north of modern Ayacucho) is located at an altitude of 2800 m and is spread over 15 square kilometres It was first settled around 250 CE and eventually had a population possibly as high as 70000 at its peak Huari shows typical features of Andean architecture densely packed wallenclosed rectangular structures which can be further divided into a maze of compartments The city&#39s walls are massive (up to 10 metres high and 4 metres thick) and built using largely unworked stones set with a mud mortar Buildings had two or three stories courtyards were lined with stone benches set in the walls and drains were stonelined The floors and walls of buildings were generally covered with plaster and painted white There is little distinction in Wari architecture between public and private buildings and little evidence of town planning A royal palace has however been identified in the northwest section of the city its oldest area of habitation and called Another important Wari centre was at Pikillacta southeast of Huari which was founded c 650 CE Located at an altitude of 3250 m the heart of this administrative and military settlement site was built in a rectangular form measuring 745 x 630 metres and is laid out in a precise geometrical pattern of squares The interiors of individual compounds are however idiosyncratic in layout As at other Wari sites access was strictly controlled via a single winding entrance Notable finds at Pikillacta include 40 miniature greenstone figures depicting elite citizens and small figurines (no larger than 5 cm) of transformational shamans warriors bound captives and pumas in copper gold and semiprecious stone The site was abandoned c 850 900 CE and there is evidence of destruction by fire of some buildings and deliberately sealed doorways Other important Wari cities were Viracochapampa Jincamocco Conchopata Marca Huamachuco and Azangaro There were also purely military sites Wari art is best evidenced in textile finds which often depict the Staff Deity plants the San Pedro cactus flower pumas condors and especially llamas illustrating the importance of these herd animals to the Wari Textiles were buried with the dead and those tombs in the dry dessert have been wellpreserved Textiles were multicoloured although blue was particularly favoured and designs were composed of predominantly rectilinear geometric forms especially the stepped diamond motif At the same time despite seemingly regular geometric patterns weavers often introduced a single random motif or colour change (typically using green or indigo) into their pieces These could be signatures or an illustration that rules could always have exceptions Wari designs eventually became so abstract that figures were essentially unrecognisable perhaps in a deliberate attempt by the elite to monopolize their interpretation Abstract figures distorted almost beyond recognition may also be Although the exact causes of Wari decline are not known theories range from overextension of the empire to another period of extended drought in the 9th century CE Whatever the reasons the region returned to a situation of fragmented polities for several centuries The most lasting legacy of the Wari is their artistic style which not only influenced the contemporary Moche but also the later Lambayeque civilization and later still the Incas A large number of the roads built by the Wari were also used by the Incas within their own extensive road system as were a great number of Wari terraces for agriculture The capital at Huari was looted in antiquity and again in the 16th century CE by the Spanish Rediscovered in the mid20th century CE the first excavations began in the 1940&#39s and continue today gradually revealing the wealth and power once enjoyed by one of the most important of all ancient Andean cultures Occupation Publishing Director.